Resistance Begins at Home: The Black Family and Lessons in Survival and Subversion in Jim Crow Mississippi

Author(s): Stephen A. Berrey

Source: Black Women, Gender + Families , Vol. 3, No. 1 (Spring 2009), pp. 65-90

Published by: University of Illinois Press

Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.5406/blacwomegendfami.3.1.0065

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Black Women, Gender, and Families Spring 2009, Vol. 3, No. 1 pp. 65–90

©2009 by the Board of Trustees of the University of Illinois

Resistance Begins at Home: The Black Family and Lessons in Survival and Subversion in Jim Crow Mississippi

Stephen A. Berrey, Indiana University-Bloomington

Abstract

At a very young age, black children in rural Jim Crow Mississippi encountered notions of race and racial difference. The black family—including not only mothers and fathers but also grandparents, extended relatives, and other adults in the community—played a crucial role in helping children to navigate through these racial ideologies and practices. Oral histories and memoirs reveal a world of racial lessons in which black children learned both physical and psychological survival. Through regular instruction, stories of slavery and Jim Crow, and their own actions, black adults taught children a meaning of blackness rooted in racial pride and struggle.

In1955,GilbertR.Mason,whohadrecentlyearnedanMD,movedtoBiloxi,Mississippi,andopenedafamilypractice.Bytheendofthedecade,thisJackson-borndoctorhadbecomealocalcivilrightsleaderwholedthe

efforttointegrateabeachontheGulfCoast.Inhis2000memoir,Masondiscussesatlengththeissueofwhenhebecameanactivist.Asayoungchild,hewasawareofsegregationandracism,andbythetimehebecameateenagerhewasfullyconsciousofthe“capricioushumiliationanddegradation”blackpeopleenduredinMississippi.Butinexplainingthebeginningofhisactiv-ism,Masonpinpointsaspecificmoment:“WhendidIbecomeanactivist?WasitthatdaywhenIwastwelveyearsoldandbentovertopumpairintomybicycletiresataGulfstationonTerryRoad,andabigwhiteguyskippedupfrombehindandkickedmeover?WhenIturnedtoask,‘Why?’hissmuganswer,‘’CauseIwantedto,’madealastingimpression….Isoonstarteddoingsmallthingstodefythesystem”(5). Giventherecordoflynching,rape,andotherformsofphysicalviolenceenduredbyAfricanAmericansintheJimCrowSouth,Mason’saccountof

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beingkickedmayseemrelativelyinsignificant.Hisrecollection,however,hintsatthewaysinwhichracialpracticesandideologiesfunctionwithintherealmoftheeveryday.AndMason’sracialcomingofagebyagetwelveraisesfundamentalquestionsaboutraceandchildhoodinJimCrowMississippi.HowdidblackchildrenencounteraJimCrowworld?Howdidtheylearntheracialrules,andtowhatextentweretheselessonssubversive?Similarly,howdotheselessonsrelatetothelargerblackfreedomstruggle? Guidedbythesequestions,thisessayfocusesonblackchildrenandthefamilyinruralJimCrowMississippi.Ipayparticularattentiontohowchil-drenlearnedaboutraceandracialdifferenceandhowthefamilyplayedaroleinnavigatingtheseencounters.MyexplorationoftheblackfamilyreliesprincipallyonoralhistoriesandmemoirsofAfricanAmericanswhowerebornandraisedinthe1930s,1940s,and1950sinruralMississippi.Theprimaryargumentguidingthisworkisthattheblackfamily—includingnotonlyparentsbutadditionalrelatives,neighbors,andotheradultsinthecommunity—functionedasacriticalinstitutionforprotectingchildrenfromracialviolenceandforplantingtheseedsofsubversion.Throughregularinstruction,storiesofslaveryandJimCrow,andtheevidenceoftheirownactions,blackadultstaughtchildrenhowtoperformtherolesofsubmissionandinferiority.Mostsignificant,whereasJimCrowcultureequatedblacknesswithinferiority,theblackfamilyproducedanothermeaningofblackness,onerootedinracialprideandstruggle. Inexaminingtherelationshipbetweenraciallessonsandtheblackfamily,IdrawontheworkofJenniferRitterhouse(2006)andPatriciaHillCollins(2000).InGrowing Up Jim Crow,RitterhouseaddresseshowblackandwhitechildrenintheJimCrowSouthlearnedwhatshecallsa“racialetiquette”(3–6).ForRitterhouse,racialetiquetteismorethanaseriesofmannersorcustoms.Itrefersto“asetofrules,ascript,andpartofaprocess,thepower-relationsprocessbywhichaviablerelationshipbetweendominantwhiteandsubordinateblack—andtherefore‘race’itself—wasrenegotiatedonaday-to-daybasis”(6).Shecontendsthatblackchildrenlearnedthisetiquetteasameansofsurvival,andthroughheranalysisshedemonstratessomeofthewaysinwhichwhitedominationoperatedonadailybasisintheracialeducationsofblackandwhitechildren(17).Ritterhouse’sdiscussionrep-resentsabeginningpointforexploringhowtheselessonswereimpartedtoblackchildrenandespeciallyforconsideringhowteachingaboutracecouldberelatedtobothsurvivalandsubversion. Inlookingmorecloselyathowthefamilycouldteachsubversion,PatriciaHillCollins’sconceptualizationofmotherhoodintheblackcommunityis

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especiallyuseful.Focusedonreconsideringtheuniquepositionofblackwomen,Collins’sBlack Feminist Thoughtwasinpartaresponsetothe1960sMoynihanReport.DanielPatrickMoynihan’sstudyofproblemsconfrontingtheblackcommunitycharacterizedtheblackfamilyasaflawedinstitutionofabsentorweakfathersanddomineeringmatriarchswhoemasculatedsonsanddefeminizeddaughters.Moynihan’sconclusions,however,werebasedonafaultypremise—thattheidealfamilynecessarilyrequiredabreadwinningfather,astay-at-homemother,andaparents-childrenfamilialunitisolatedfromthelargercommunity(areal-lifeequivalentofthe1950sand1960stelevisionfamily,theCleavers).InchallengingMoynihan’simageoftheover-bearingblackmother,Collinsdemonstratesthatthestableandfunctionalblackfamilylookednothinglikethewhiteideal.Formostblackfamilies,thewomenwerepushedintotheworkforceoutofeconomicnecessity.Whetherornotthefatherwaspresent,thefamilyunitextendedintothecommunity.Collinsdescribesaseriesofwomen-centerednetworks,includinggrand-mothers,siblings,otherrelatives,neighbors,andevenstrangers,allofwhombecamewhatshecallsthe“othermothers”assistingthe“bloodmothers”(Collins2000,173–99).Thissharingofresponsibilitiesstrengthenedcom-munalbonds,andasCollinsnotes,itlaidafoundationforactivismwithinthecommunity. WithintherecollectionsofAfricanAmericansinruralJimCrowMissis-sippi,onefindsmanyofCollins’scharacteristicsofblackmotherhood—andthese“motherly”characteristicswerenotlimitedtowomen.Asintervieweesdiscusstheirchildhoods—whonurturedthem,whotaughtthemlifelessons,whotaughtthemhowtoactinJimCrowsociety—theydescribeanetworkofindividualsinthecommunity,includingbothmenandwomen.Thus,inargu-ingthattheblackfamilytaughtchildrenaboutrace,thefamilywasdefinedmuchmorebroadlythanMoynihan’sidealnuclearunit.Grandparents,auntsanduncles,andneighborsweremembersofafamilyunitthathelpedchildrenlearnracialrulesandunlearnideologiesofblackinferiority. WhileRitterhouseandCollinsprovideaframeworkforexploringtheblackfamilyasasiteofprotectionandresistance,oneisstillconfrontedwiththeissueoffindingandinterpretingsourcesrelatedtotheprivateandlargelyinsulateddomainoftheblackfamily.Traditionalarchivalrecords—statedocuments,mainstreamorblacknewspapers,andpersonalpapers—providelittleornodetailedinformationaboutfamiliesanddailyroutines.Whilethesesourcesareoftenunderstoodasthemostreliablerecordsofthepast,theycanalsobemisleading.Forexample,inhisstudyofraceandmediain1960sMississippi,mediascholarStevenClassensearchedtheofficialpaperdocu-

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mentsforlocalblackresponsestolocaltelevisioncoverage(2004,140–45).Hefoundnoblackprotest.Yet,ashespokewithlocalpeoplehediscoveredanextensiverecordofprotestsoftelevisionfromtheblackcommunity.AsClassen’sstudydemonstrates,formarginalizedgroups,oralhistoriescanspeaktotheinherentsilencesoftraditionalarchives(Rolph-Trouillot1995).Butoralhistoriescanalsobeusefulforparticulartopics.AsRitterhouseobserves,autobiographyandmemoirareparticularlyusefulforexaminingracialidentity(2006,133–34).Howapersonlearnsaboutraceandwhereonefitswithinthatracialcontextisapersonalexplorationofidentity,and,inthatregard,thememoryisperhapsthemostappropriateandrevealingsourceavailable.1

Still,aswithanysource,oralhistoriescanposeamethodologicalquanda-ry.Memoriesareasmuchaproductofthepresentastheyarearepresentationofthepast.Forvariousreasons,ahistoricalparticipant’smemoryofaneventoreracanchangeovertime.Withthesepotentialdilemmasinmind,IrelyonoralhistoriestoprovideinsightsintotheblackfamilyinJimCrowsoci-ety.Itreattheinterviewslessasarecordofday-to-dayactivities—inwhich“accuracy”wouldbecrucial—andmoreasarecollectionoflargerprocessesandthemes.Inaddition,Ihaveexaminedhundredsoforalhistoriesderivedfrommultiplecollectionsandinitiativesandconductedacrossthespanoftwenty-fiveyears.Withinthislargersample,Ihavepaidparticularattentiontothethemesanddiscoursesthatappearinnumerousinterviews. Memories,theblackfamily,andraciallessonsbringusbacktoGilbertMason,theCivilRightsMovement,and,especially,theliteratureofthatmove-ment.TheinitialhistoricalnarrativeoftheCivilRightsMovement—onethatstillholdsswaywithmanyscholarsandwithinmainstreamculture—revolvesaroundnonviolenttactics,nationalorganizations,andprominentleaders.Accordingtothisinterpretation,themovementstretchedfromthemid-1950stothemid-1960s,climaxingwiththepassageofnationallegislation,justasitwasbeginningtofragmentandfadeintotheBlackPowerera.2Sincethe1990s,however,thisnarrativehasincreasinglybeenchallengedbyscholarsandthememoirsofmovementparticipants.Collectivelythesestudieshavestretchedthetemporalboundariesofthemovement,situatingthemove-mentwithinalargerandearlierstruggleforfreedom.Accordingly,withintheserecentscholarlytrends,Mason’schildhoodmemoryofbeingkickedbyawhitemanisverymuchapartofthelargerstoryofthefightforcivilandhumanrights.3Likewise,acloserexaminationoftheblackfamilyrevealsthat,withintheeverydayrealm,AfricanAmericans—asmothers,asfathers,

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asrelatives,asneighbors—wereparticipatinginalargerdailystruggleandwerecontributingtowhatwouldeventuallybecomeamassmovement.4

Black Children Encounter a Jim Crow World

Fromthelatenineteenthcenturyuntilthelegaldemiseofsegregationinthe1960s,JimCrowrulereignedthroughouttheSouth.Manyoftheprimarycharacteristicsofthisformofwhitedominationwerecrystallizedinthe1890s.DespitebeingguaranteedtherighttovotewiththeFifteenthAmendment,blackmalesweresteadilydisenfranchisedthroughnewlawsandintimidation.The1890salsowitnessedthelynchingofmorethanonethousandAfricanAmericans,byfarthehighesttotalforanydecadeinthepost-Reconstruction/JimCrowera.5Economically,exploitationwithinsharecroppingandthecropliensystemleftalargesegmentofAfricanAmericans(andpoorwhites)inastateofpovertyandacycleofdependency.Socially,lawsdictatingseparatespacesforblacksandwhitesweresanctionedbythefederalgovernmentwiththeSupremeCourt’s1896Plessy v. Fergusondecision.The1890sdidnotgivebirthtoJimCrowruleintheSouthsomuchasitcementedthatrulewithinvirtuallyeveryaspectofSouthernlife.6Indeed,JimCrowrulerepresentedfarmorethanaseriesoflawsandcustoms,orofpoliticalandeconomicpractices.Itwas,asGraceElizabethHaleargues(1998),a“cultureofsegregation”thatdominatedthedailylivesofblackandwhiteSoutherners.7

Thiscultureofsegregationwasdirectlyconnectedtotheproliferationofparticularracialideologies.IntheJimCrowSouth,notesHale,“segregation,asmetaphorandaslaw,dependeduponthemythofabsoluteracialdiffer-ence,atranslationofthebodyintocollectivemeaning,intoculture”(1998,40).Rootedinanideologyofwhitesupremacy,racialdifferenceinJimCrowsocietypermeatedeverydaylife.WhetherAfricanAmericansweretryingtovote,orderingaburgerinarestaurant,talkingtoawhiteperson,ormeet-ingawhitepersononthesidewalk,lawsandcustomsfunctionedtoremindthemoftheirblacknessinrelationshiptowhiteness.Inthesephysicalandbehavioralmarkers,blacksweretaughtthattheyweredifferentfromwhitesandthattheirinferiorstatuswasaresultofthosedifferences.Forthoseinpower,theultimategoalofthesedailyraciallessons,thesemanifestationsofwhitedomination,waslessaboutpolicingraciallinesthanitwasaboutgettingblackstopolicethemselves.Whitesegregationistswantedblacksnotonlytoactsubmissivebutalsotobelievethattheyshouldbesubmissive.Inthatsense,JimCrowrulewasdehumanizingontwolevels.Mostobvi-

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ously,thevisibleeffectsofsegregation,disfranchisement,andviolencewereremindersoftherelativeworthlessnessofblacklife.Onadeeperlevelwerethepsychologicaleffectsinwhich,constantlybombardedwithmessagesofinferiority,blackscouldbegintobelievethosemessages.Thus,evenaslynchingandotherformsofdramaticracialviolencehavereceivedmuchscholarlyattention,itwasfrequentlythemundanemanifestationsofracethatdehumanizedAfricanAmericans(Hartman1997).Infact,itisthrougheverydayinteractionsthatmanyblackchildrenseemedtodiscoverwhatblacknessmeantinaJimCrowsociety. Onemightsuspectthatforchildrentheinitialrecognitionofblacknesswouldhavebeentiedtoalynchingorsomeotherdramaticevent.However,ofthehundredsofinterviewsIconsultedforthisstudy,noneoftheinter-vieweeslinkedtheirinitialracialawarenesstoanactofphysicalviolence.Manychildrenwereunawareoftheviolencearoundtheminpartbecausetheirparentsshelteredthem.AsMinnieWestonexplains,sheoccasionallyheardadultswhisperingaboutsometragedyandshesawwomencrying,butnooneexplainedtothechildrenwhathadhappened.8Inaddition,priortobeginningschooling,blackandwhitechildrenplayedtogether,seeminglywithlittleornorecognitionofracialdifferencesorwhatthosedifferencesmeant.9Instead,manyMississippiansremembertheirinitialawarenessofracialdifferenceasbeginningonthepathbetweenhomeandschool. InJimCrowMississippi,thedifferencesinschoolingforblackandwhitechildrenweredramatic.Generally,whitestudentshadphysicallysuperiorfacilities,newertextbooks,andalongerschoolyearthanblackstudents.10Initially,however,blackstudentsnoticedamuchmorevisibledistinctionbetweentheschools—theywalkedwhilethewhitestudentsrodebuses.AsJamesRobinson,whostartedschoolinthelate1920sorearly1930s,recalls,seeingthewhitechildrenonthebuswaswhenhefirstrecognizedracialdif-ferences.11JohnJohnsonexplainsthathefeltdisgustedwhenhesawthatthebusforwhitestudentswasalmostempty.12ItseemsunlikelythatRobinsonandJohnson,asyoungchildrenjustbeginningschool,wouldhaveinstantlyunderstoodtheracialimplicationsofthesetrips.Perhapsthepresenceofanolderstudentwouldhaveexplainedit,orperhapsitbecameclearerafteracertainnumberofthesedailyrepeatedstagingsofdifference. Thewalkstoschoolwereacriticalpartoftheraciallearningprocessnotonlybecausetheycameearlyinlifebutalsobecausetheywereanunambiguousvisualdisplayofracialdifference.Inthesesituations,differencewasmarkedbywhatMichaelHanchard(2001)referstoas“racialtime.”ForHanchard,racialtimereferstoatemporalmanifestationofdominationthatbeganwith

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racialslavery,inwhichtimebecameanexpressionofoppressionandracialdifference.Oneofthecomponentsofracialtime,forinstance,isrepresentedthrough“waiting”asmembersof“subordinategroupsobjectivelyperceivethematerialconsequencesofsocialinequality,astheyareliterallymadetowaitforgoodsandservicesthataredeliveredfirsttomembersofthedominantgroup”(256).Inotherwords,waitingisbothaformofoppressionandamarkerofracialdifference.Hanchard’sobservationhelpsexplainblackMississippiansrecollectionsofthetripstoschool.Forthesestudents,theirblacknessmeantthattheyweredeniedaccesstoatechnology—thebus—thatwhitestudentshad.Beyondthevisualimpactofthebus/technologybelongingexclusivelytowhites,blackshadtowaitlongertogettoschool.Blackandwhitechildrenwereexposedtotheseraciallydefineddifferencesdaily. Formanyblackstudents,theseregularenactmentsofJimCrowwereenhancedbytheactionsofthosewhorodethebus.Forexample,WalterScularkrecallsthewhitechildrencallinghimderogatorynames.13Others,suchasHermanLeach,endurednamecallingandspittingfromthebus,andH.Scottdodgedbricksandbottleshurledfromthebus.14Atothertimesthebusdriverwasinvolved.Attendingschoolinthe1920s,AliceGilesrecallsthebusdriverswervingtowardherandotherblackchildren.15OnDavidMathews’swalkstoschool,thebusdriveroftenveeredintomudpuddlesashepassedblackstudents.16ThepublicenactmentofracebywhitestudentsandespeciallybywhitebusdriversrepresentedanevenmorepowerfullessoninthemeaningofblacknessinaJimCrowworld.Evenintheabsenceofphysicalviolence,theactofslingingmuddywateronstudentsorthedriverthreateningorpretendingtothreatentheirlivesbyswervingtowardthemwasapowerfulactofdehumanization.Thestudentsandthedriveraffirmednotonlythatblackswereinferiorbutthatblacklifewassubjecttothewhimsofwhites,andtheblackbodywasrendereddispensable.Whatevermessagesblackstudentstookfromtheirwalkstoschool,thevisualsymbolofbusesandtheactionsofthepeopleonthebusesestablishedaneasy-to-interpretpresentationofdifferenceinwhichwhitepeoplehadtheadvantage. Interestingly,thesememoriesoflinkinginitialracialawarenesstoschoolingseemtocontradictrecentchilddevelopmentresearchonracialsocialization,theprocessbywhichchildrenlearnandunderstandraceasacategoryofdif-ference(seeHughesetal.2006;Quintanaetal.2006;SpencerandMarkstrom-Adams1990).SociologistsDebraVanAusdaleandJoeR.Feaginpersuasivelyarguethatchildrenasyoungasthreeyearsoldmayhave“asolidandappliedunderstandingofthedynamicsofrace”andthatyoungchildrenarenotsimply

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imitatingadultsbutrather“areactivelyreproducingintheireverydaylivesthemattersandrealitiesofraceandracism”(2001,2–3).17VanAusdaleandFeagin’sconclusionssuggestthatblackMississippiansintheageofJimCrowmayhavealreadybeenwellversedinracebeforetheybeganschool.Withthatpossibil-ityinmind,how,then,doweevaluatethememoriesofblackMississippiansthatplacetheoriginalencounterwithracialdifferencewiththebeginningofschooling?Infact,thememoriesofthehistoricalparticipantsandthesocio-logicalworkmaynotbecontradictory.BlackchildreninMississippimayalsohavebeenlearningaboutraceatagethreeandfour.Nonetheless,formanyofthem,thebeginningofschoolingwasaformativemomentforracialidentity.Thetraumasoftheseexperienceswererepeateddaily,suggestingthattheirimpactlikelyeclipsedearlierencounterswithracialdifference.Accordingly,formanyblackchildren,thetripstoschoolmoreclearlyrevealedtheirracializedpositionwithinaJimCrowworld. Awayfromschool,someblackMississippiansrememberaninitialaware-nessofJimCrowcomingthroughotherinteractionswithwhites,oftenfromunknowinglycrossingraciallines.SuchwasthecaseforHoraceBuckley.AtaChristmasparade,awhitegirlapproachedayoungBuckleyandofferedhimherballooninexchangeforapieceofthecandyhehadcollected.Suddenlyawhitemanintervened,andasBuckleyrecalled,themansaid,“Getbacktherenigger.Don’tyounever,nowIkillya.”Buckleywenthomesaddened,understanding“thattherewasadifferenceandthedifferenceisthere,andyou’vegottolivewithit.”18Untilthewhitemanenteredthescene,BuckleymaynothaveevenrealizedthathehadcrossedaJimCrowline.However,hewenthomeknowingthatinteractionsbetweenblackmen/boysandwhitewomen/girlswereofflimits.Hisdifferencefromthewhitegirlwasmadeexplicit,andhewasthreatenedfornotobservingtheracializedandgenderedrulesthatgovernedthatdifference. Anotherearlylessoninraceforsomeblackchildrenrelatedtointeractionsbetweentheirparentsandwhitepeople.Someweredisturbedorconfusedinwitnessingtheirparentsactingsubmissivelyaroundotheradultsorevenaroundwhiteteenagers.19ForAlmaWard,thisexperiencecamefromseeingherfathercry.Ward’sfatherpassedawhitemaninacar,andaccordingtoWard,themanthentoldherfather’sbossthathewould“killthatniggerifheeverpassmeagain.”Afterreceivingthismessage,Ward’sfatherwasintears,andtheimageleftalastingimpressiononAlma.20Intheseencountersandotherswithwhites,racetrumpedthefamilialhierarchy,andchildrensawtheirparentsreducedtoasubordinate,almostchildlikeposition.Onewouldsuspect

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thatthesedisplaysofpowerrelationscouldundermineparentalauthorityandpotentiallythreatentheblackfamily.Attheveryleast,suchencounterscouldrepresentpotentlessonsinthemeaningofblackness. Whetherthroughthetripstoschool,firsthandencounterswithwhites,orbearingwitnesstotheirparents’relativepowerlessness,earlyonblackchildrenrecognizedaworldinwhichracewasimportant.Bytheteenageyears,onecanassumethatmostblackMississippianshadafairlyclearsenseofracialdifference.AsJohnnyJonesrealizedwhenhewasaboutthirteenyearsold:“ThenIbegantoseehowwhitepeopledocoloredpeople….Ifyousaidsomethingyouwasn’tsupposedtosay,yougotbeatup….Ifyoudidn’tsayyessir,nosir,youmightgetbeatup…Theycalledeverybodynigger.Wouldn’tcallyoubyyourname….Alltheniggersthattalkedbacktothemgotbeatup,runoutoftown,orsomething.”21

PerhapsJoneswasalreadyawarethatinJimCrowsocietyblacksandwhitesweredifferent,althoughitwasnotuntilhewasateenagerthatheunderstoodtheimportanceofpubliclyacknowledginghisinferiorityinordertoavoidgettingbeatuporworse.Hisresponseisfairlyconsistentwiththatofothersinthat,eveniftheyfirstencounteredracialdifferencewhentheystartedschool,itoftenwasnotuntiltheteenageyearsthatthefullimplicationsofblacknessbegantotakeshape.Thatis,blackchildrenmighthaveknowntofollowtheruleswithoutnecessarilyknowingwhyorwhatthoserulesmeantwithinaracializedsociety.Forthosereasons,exposuretoJimCrowexpectationsyieldedavarietyofemotionsamongblackchildren.SomeAfricanAmericansrecallthatinitiallytheymayhavebelievedtherewassometruthtothedominantracialideologies.WilliamRaspberry,whowouldlaterbecomeasyndicatedcolumnistfortheWash-ington Post,explains,“Isuppose,ifI’mveryhonest,thewaythesystemworkedleftmethinkingvaguely—IwouldneverhavesaidthiswhenIwasgrowingup—thatmaybeblackpeoplewereinferior.”22ForAmzieMoore,JimCrowcultivatedmorethanavaguesenseofracialinferiority.Moore,whowouldbecomeanimportantcivilrightsleaderinMississippi,recalledfromhischildhood,thatgivenalltheadvantageswhiteshad,hethought“thatitwassinfultobeblack,thatGodonlylovedwhitepeople,”andthat“therehadtobesomethingwrongwithme.”23WhereasforRaspberryandMoore,thesenseofinferiorityseemedtoseepintotheirpsycheswithoutthemreallybeingconsciousofanotheralternative,forBennieGooden,therealizationofbeingblackinaJimCrowworldwasfarmorejarring.Asherecounts,

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AtfirstIdidn’tknowIwasblack.Ididn’tknowthatIwasconsideredpoorbecauseeverybodyaroundhere,everybodyyouhadtodealwith,theywereinthesamepredicament.Ithadtobediscovered,andthenwhenIdiscoveredthatIwaspoorandblackanddifferent,andmythoughtsdidn’tamounttoahillofbeans,I[realizedI]wasnotcounted.BecauseIwasconsideredaleaderamongmypeers,IthoughtIhadsomestationinlife.OnlytofindoutthatIwasnotconsidered.Mythoughts,mywell-beingwasnotimportantwhatsoever.Iwasn’tnothing.That’sshocking;that’sdisturbing.24

Fromtheirmemorieswedonotknowiftheyinternalizedthedominantideology,onlythattheyrememberbelievingonsomelevelthattheymayhavebeeninferior.Nonetheless,fortheseindividuals,thisrememberedearlystageofbelievingintheirinferiorityhasbecomepartoftheirpersonalnar-ratives.Thus,forBennieGooden,hisownsenseofhisracialcomingofagewastiedtoatraumaticmoment.Perhapsbuiltuponearlierexperiences,inthisonemomentGoodenbecameawareofwhathisblacknessmeantinJimCrowMississippi. Forsomeblackchildren,recognitionofracialdynamicscouldleadtounusualconclusions.Growingup,HettieLovesawthatwhitepeoplehadthebestofeverything—thebiggesthousesandthebestfoodandcars—whileblackswerealwaysworkinginthekitchensofwhites.Assheunderstoodit,“thelighteryouare,thewhiteryouare,thepowerandthethingsyouhad,theeasiertime.”Basedontheseobservations,shedeterminedthatsheshouldmarryawhiteman.25Love’sinterpretationisintriguingbecauseherconfusionaboutrace—thatonapersonallevelshecouldsolveitthroughmarriage—hintsattheextenttowhichraceanditsmeaningsarelearned.Atthesametime,Loveseestheracialdivideaseasilycrossed,believingthatshetoocouldreapthebenefitsofwhiteness. OllyeBrownShirleyalsohadanunusualreactiontoracialdifferences,relatedinparttoherfamily’smaterialcondition.Shirley’sfamilywasfinan-ciallybetteroffthanmanyoftheneighboringwhitefamilies,tosuchanextentthatpoorwhitechildrencametothehouseandShirley’smothergavethemleftoverbiscuits.ForShirley,theconfusionbetweenraceandclasscamewhenshesawtheselessprivilegedwhitechildrenridingthebuswhileshewalked.Atthatpointshe“knewsomethingwasamiss.”26Shirley’sconfusionrelatestoanapparentdiscontinuityinherworldview,fromseeingherselfinaneconomicallyprivilegedposition,toseeingthepoorerchildrenwithaccesstothetechnologyofthebus. Therewasalso,however,anotherrangeofpersonalresponsestothe

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violenceofJimCrowthatrevolvedaroundhatred.Someblackchildrenfelthatredforwhitesorbelievedthatwhiteshatedblacks.Ironically,inspiteofthepervasivenessofracialviolenceagainstblacks,segregationiststriedtoperpetuateapaternalmessageofwhiteslovingandcaringforblacks.AsJoelWilliamsoncontends(1986,250–51),manywhitesbelievedtheywerelivinginaraciallyharmonioussocietyinwhichblackswerehappyandcontentandwhitesweretheirprotectiveparents.Yet,despitewhatwhitesbelieved,someAfricanAmericansinterpretedtheviolenceofJimCrowasproofthattheyweredespisedbywhites.RubyWilliamsandJamesNixeachcametobelievethatwhiteshatedblacks,althoughitisnotclearwhethertheylearnedthislessonfromtheirpersonalexperiencesorperhapsfromtheirparents.27FromtheperspectiveoftheseAfricanAmericans,whitehatredofblacksseemedtorepresentinpartareactiontothesenselesskillings,thelegalinjustices,andthegeneraldehumanizationanddevaluingofblacklife. Whilemostintervieweeswhoexpressedhatredtowardwhitesalsonotedthatthisfeelingeventuallyfaded,itisimpressiveandrevealinghowfrequentlyJimCrowoppressioncultivatedthisreaction.Forsome,hatredofwhitesemergedfrompersonalexperiences.SoonafterLeeWillieMiller’sfatherdied,awhitemancametocollectpaymentona$300loanhehadmadetoMiller’sfather;thewhitemantookeverything—220acresofland,allthehousesontheland,themulesandhorses,andthewagons.28WhereasMiller’shatredseemsinpartlinkedtoafeelingofimpotencetochangethesituation,forsomeAfricanAmericans,hatredofwhiteswasexpressedthroughadesiretoretaliate,aswasthecasewithSamuelBailey.WhenBaileywasabouttwelveorthirteenyearsold,hisbrotherhitawhiteman.Soonafter,amobcametotheBaileyhouse,threateningtolynchhisbrother,whothenfledthestate.Samuelresolvedthatwhenhegrewup,he“wasgoingtokillallthewhitepeople”hesaw.29FormanyAfricanAmericans,thegradualaccumulationofracialinjusticesborethefruitsofhatred. Insum,asAfricanAmericanswereexposedtoracialdifference,astheycameintocontactwiththeviolenceofJimCrowsociety,theylearnedwhatitmeanttobeblackinMississippi.Toachild,itmeantwalkingtoschool,itmeantbeingrelativelypowerlessinthepresenceofwhites,anditmeantthatracematteredmorethansocialclassorage.Aboveall,itmeantbeingdehumanized.Inteachingblackchildrenhowtonavigateandpotentiallytransformthesemessagesofinferiority,noinstitutionplayedamoreimpor-tantrolethantheblackfamily.

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Lessons in Jim Crow, Lessons in Subversion

InresponsetoeverydayracialdehumanizationinJimCrowMississippi,theblackfamilyservedasasourcefornurturingandprotectingblackchildren.Mothers,fathers,siblings,neighbors,teachers,andevenstrangerswerepartofthisstructureinwhich,asoneMississippianexplains,“everybodywasyourmother.”30Withinthisfamilialcontextofteachingsurvivalandovercomingmessagesofblackinferiority,threecomponentswereespeciallysignificant:(1)instructingchildrenintheracialrulesforprotection;(2)teachingchildrentoperform,nottoaccept,theirexpectedJimCrowroles;and(3)providinganalternativemeaningofblacknessrootedinracialprideandstruggle. AdultsrecognizedthatatanearlyagechildrenneededtoknowJimCrowcustomsfortheirownprotection.AsPatriciaHillCollinsnotes,this“social-izationforsurvival”hashistoricallybeenacentralfeatureofblackmothering(2000,183–89).31Whilesomeparentsweremoredirectinexplainingthereasonsbehindthecustoms,manyofthechildrenrecallbeingtaughtwhattodoandwhatnottodowithoutanyexplanations.Mostoftheseinstructionsrelatedtohowtoactaroundwhitepeople.Forexample,MauriceLucaswastaughttoanswerwhiteswith“yes,sir”and“no,sir”;JessieStewartwastoldtoenterwhitehomesthroughthebackdoor;andChrisYoungSr.learnedthatheshouldnevergotothewhitesectionofarestaurant.32ObieClarkrecallsmore-detailedinstructions.Hewastoldthatifhewenttothegeneralstoreanditwasclosed,heshouldnotgotothefrontdooreventogetsomeone’sattentionbutshouldstillgotothebackdoor.33Furthermore,forsome,thelessonswereimpartedregularly.AsAlmaWardrecalls,hermothertoldher“almostdaily”toaddresswhitepeoplewithtitles.34

Inadditiontotherulesabouthowtoactinpublicandinthepresenceofwhites,manyoftheconversationsfocusedonblackchildren’sinteractionswithwhitechildren.JohnJohnsongrewupplayingwithwhiteboysintheneighborhooduntilonedayhismothertoldhimhecouldnolongerplaywiththem.AlthoughJohnsonwasinitiallyconfusedbyhismother’sedict,hismotherlaterexplainedthattherewerecertainthingsblacksandwhitescouldnotdotogetherandthathehadtobecarefulorsomethingwouldhappentohim.35CharlesScottwasalsotoldtoavoidwhitesandtobecare-fulwithwhathesaidtowhites.Scottlearnedtostayinhis“place,”whichmeant“youdidnotgetaround,youdidn’thangaround,youdidn’thavejokes,andmakethesejokeswithwhitefolks.”36Whilesomeparentsdidnotexplainwhyplayingwithwhitechildrenwasofflimits,othersmadeitclearthatwhitesposedadanger.Forexample,AliceGiles’sparentstoldherthat

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ifshetriedtodrinkoutofthewhitewaterfountain,shemightbebeatenbywhites.37Meanwhile,althoughRichardRoseisnotspecificconcerningwhotaughthimtheracialrules,heexplainsthathewastaughttoaddresswhiteswithtitlesandtorideinthebackofthebusortoriskbeingjailedorbeingbeatenbypoliceofficers.38

Withintheblackcommunity,fearforthesafetyofchildrenrepresentedanespeciallyacuteconcernforparents.Racializeddangerslurkedeverywhere,andthepoliceandcourts—institutionsostensiblychargedwithprotectingthecitizenry—offeredlittleornoprotectionforblackcitizens.Numerousexamplesillustratedtoparentsthat,evenforchildren,realorperceivedviola-tionsofracialcustomscouldresultininjuryordeath.In1942,forinstance,ErnestGreenandCharlieLang,bothfourteenyearsold,werearrestedandchargedwiththeattemptedrapeofathirteen-year-oldwhitegirl.Thethreechildrenplayedtogetherfrequently,butthistimetheywereseenbyapassingwhitemotorist.Althoughtherewasnoevidenceofattemptedrape,thetwoboysweretakenfromthejailbyamobandlynched.Accordingtoaninves-tigatorhiredbytheNAACP,duringthelynchingtheboys’genitalswerecutoff,theirskinwaspulledfromtheirbodies,andascrewdriverwasjammeddowntheirthroats.39Despiteafederalinvestigation,noonewaseverfoundguiltyorpunishedforthesetwodeaths.Similarly,inthefollowingdecade,afterfourteen-year-oldEmmettTillwasmurderedforallegedlywhistlingatawhitewomaninacountrystore,hiskillersescapedpunishmentwithinthelegalsystem.40

Forboys,themajorconcernwasthat,similartoGreen,Lang,andTill,theywouldbeaccusedofimproperbehavioraroundwhitefemales.Thus,inteachingboystobecarefularoundwhitewomen,parentscouldevenactharshlyand,fromthechild’sperspective,irrationally.Forinstance,onabuswithhisfather,JamesNixsawawhitegirlandremarked,“Daddy,isn’tthatnice,pretty,longhair?”AfterreturninghomeNixwasscoldedandwhippedbyhisfather,whichatthetimeconfusedJames,whodidnotrealizehehaddonesomethingwrong.41Hisfather,though,understoodthatseeminglyinnocentremarksaboutwhitegirlscouldhavetragicresults.Thefearofablackmalebeingarrested,beaten,orkilledforlookingatawhitewomanwassoprevalentthat,asElizabethPittsrecalls,manyintheblackcommunityreferredtoitas“eye-raping.”42Althoughfearofbeinglynchedwaslessprevalentamonggirls,interracialinteractionsalsoposedpotentialdangers.WinsonHudson(2002,21–22)avoidedwalkingaloneatnightbecauseshefearedbeingrapedbywhitemales.Whereasablackboywhistlingatawhitewomancouldbegroundsforalynching,whitemen

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couldlookat,havesexualrelationswith,andrapeblackwomenwithlittlefearofreprisalorreprimand. Whilechildren’sphysicalsurvivalwasaprimaryconcern,parentsandotherfamilymembersalsoworriedaboutthepsychologicalwell-beingoftheirchildren.AsWilliamRaspberry’smotherexplainedtohersonafterhehadgrownup,shehadalwaystriedto“buildusup…becausesheknewtheworldwasgoingtoknockusdownsomeandshewantedustobeaboutwhereweoughttobe,andthroughthatdualprocess.”43ForRaspberryandotherchildren,adualprocess,orsomeothermeansofseparatingexpectedpublicactionsfromtheself,becameanimportantpartofthelearningprocess.Thisprocessofteninvolvedlessonsinbothperformanceandracialpride.44

Datingbacktotheperiodofenslavement,inwhichAfricanAmericans“performed”particularrolesformasters,somepeopleunderstoodtheseenactmentsas“wearingthemask”orasaformofdissemblance.45Eachofthesedescriptionsconjuresanimageofdisconnection,ofgivinganoutwardappearancethatdoesnotreflectthetruefeelingsorbeliefsoftheindividual.Accordingly,whilesomeparentsdidnotexplaintotheirchildrenwhytheyhadtofollowtheracialrules,otherparentsmadeitclearthatthesewereonlyenactmentsthatshouldhavenobearingonachild’ssenseofself-worth.Forexample,ObieClark’sparentsinstructedhiminhowtoactasa“second-classcitizen,”suchasbyaddressingallwhiteswith“Mister”and“Miss”andbygoingtothebackdoorsofstores.YetObieunderstoodthattheselessonswerestrictlyaboutprotection,notingthathisfamilyknewofblackswhotried“tobefirst-classcitizens”inpublicandthendisappearedovernightorlosttheirproperty.46Inpublicspace,JimCrowrulesbecamethestagedirections,andtheexpecteddeferentialandsubmissiveroleofblacksinformedthescript. Childrenalsolearnedabouttheseperformancesfromobservingotheradults.Forexample,JasperNeely’sfatherexplainedtohim,“Whitefolksloveuswhenwelaugh,”andasNeelynoted,hisfatherfrequentlylaughedwheninthepresenceofwhites,onlyto“cussthemoutathome.”47Somemaybetemptedtounderstandthefather’scommentsathomeasonlyareleaseoftensionratherthanasalife-changinglessonforhisson.However,byidentify-ingtohissonthathislaughterwasameansofappeasementandbyrevealinghis“real”selfathome,thefatherdemonstratedapowerfulsubversivetool.Neely’sfatherenactedthewhite-createdstereotypesbutrejectedthenotionofblackinferiority.Whetherintentionalornot,Neely’sfather,throughhisdistinctactionsinpublic(laughter)andprivate(cussing),madeitcleartohissonthattheracialcustomswereabsurdanddehumanizing. Thelessonsinperformancewerecriticalnotonlyformaintainingone’s

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dignitybutalsoforrecognizingthemoralvacuityofJimCrowrule.AsJamesRobinsonexplains,helearnednotnecessarilyrightandwrongbutrather“whatwasrightandwrongatthattimetomakeitinlife.”48Rob-insonreceivedalessoninbothsurvivalandethics.Enactmentsprovidedameansfordisconnectingracialcustoms,thelaw,andpoliticalauthorityfromissuesofmorality.Thatis,thelawwasnotaboutrightandwrong,orjustandunjust,butratheritwas,asRobinsonlearned,somethingyouobeyedtosurvive.Thepotentiallysubversivenatureofthatlessonshouldnotbeunderestimated.Aschildrenlearnedtoplay-actaroundwhites,theydevelopedasenseofrightandwrongderivednotfromJimCrowculturebutfromsourceswithintheirowncommunity. AsopposedtoanotionofblacknessthatemergedfromJimCrowideolo-gies,manyAfricanAmericanchildrenlearnedameaningofblacknessrootedinracialprideandstruggle.Thehomebecameacentralsitefortheselessons.Whereasingeneralmanywomenhaveconceivedofworkinthehomeasexploitedandunpaidlabor,asPatriciaHillCollinsillustrates,blackwomenhaveofteninterpretedthisworkwithinaracializedcontext.Historically,observesCollins,variousfamilylabors,suchas“teachingchildrensurvivalskills…suggeststhatBlackwomenseetheunpaidworkthattheydofortheirfamiliesmoreasaformofresistancetooppressionthanasaformofexploitationbymen”(2000,46).Wecanextendthisobservationfurthertonotethatforbothblackmenandblackwomen,teachingchildrenmeaningsofblacknessthatchallengedJimCrownotionswasfundamentallyanactofresistance.Inmanyinstances,theselessonswerepairedwithinstructionsabouthowtoactinwhichchildrenweretoldthat,despitetherulesrootedinthenotionofblackinferiority,theywereasgoodaswhitepeople.49Attimes,childrenlearnedlessonsinracialpridefromwatchingadults.AlmaWard,forexample,recallsanepisodeonabuswhenshewaswithhermotherandsomefriendsofhermother,oneofwhomcouldpassaswhite.Whenoneofthe“black”womensatbesidethewomanwhocouldpass,thebusdriverinstructedthedarker-skinnedwomantomoveawayfromthe“whitelady.”But,asWardrecounts,the“white”womansaid,“I’mblack.Iwouldn’tlooklikeitifyoudidn’ttiparoundanddothingsintheneighborhoodandpretendthatyoudon’tlike.That’swhyIlooklikeIlook.ButI’mablackwomanandthisismydaughter-in-lawandshegoin’sitwithme.”50Inadditiontochas-tisingthedriverforthedualsexualstandardsthatpermittedrelationshipsbetweenwhitemenandblackwomen,thiswasalsoamomentinwhichalight-skinnedAfricanAmericanwomanproudlyandpubliclyembracedherblackness.

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Inhomesandschools,blackchildrenwerealsoexposedtodiscussionsofblackhistoryandculturereinforcingmessagesofracialpride.DaisyLiving-ston’sgrandparentsfrequentlytoldheraboutAfricaandaboutHaileSelassieandalsotracedherancestrybacktoanAfricanqueen.51Closertohome,JamesCohenandmanyofhisneighborswouldwalkamileandahalftoahousewiththeonlyradiointheneighborhoodtoheartheJoeLouisboxingmatches.52SarahAutomon,whobeganteachingintheearly1950s,recallsthatnotallblackschoolspermittedtheteachingofblackhistoryandculture.Insomeofherteachingjobs,however,shecouldtalkaboutblackhistory,aswellasuseplaysandpoemswrittenbyAfricanAmericans.53Similarly,DavidWicks’steachersbroughtinblackmagazinesandnewspapers.Inschool,WickslearnedaboutnumerousinfluentialAfricanAmericans,includingprominentpoliticalfiguressuchasBookerT.WashingtonandMaryMcLeodBethune;andculturaliconssuchasMarianAnderson,RolandHayes,andFritzPollard;aswellasactivistandeducatorBenjaminMaysandmedicalpioneerDanielHaleWilliams.54

Beyondtheinvolvementofsomeblackteachers,attimesparentswenttogreatlengthstoovercometheeducationalsetbacksimposedonblackschools.AsIpreviouslymentioned,mostschoolshadtorelyonusedtext-booksthathadbeendiscardedbywhiteschools.Inthesetextbooks,AfricanAmericanswereeitherabsentorrepresentedinstereotypes.InPeterStewart’sschool,however,theparentsboughtbookswithblackcharacters,including,asStewartrecalls,abookinwhichDickandJanewereblack.55Whateverelsesegregatedschoolsrepresented,someeducatorswereabletotakeadvantageoftheirrelativeisolationfromwhitestointroducechildrentopositiveimagesandblackrolemodels. Alongwiththemessagesofracialpride,childrenwerealsoconnectedtoalongtraditionofstrugglethroughstorytelling.Fortheperiodofmypri-maryfocus—the1930sthroughthe1950s—muchofthestorytellingabouttheblackexperiencecamefromgrandparents.Perhaps,astheeldersinthefamily,grandparentsunderstooditastheirdutytopassthesestorieson.Or,giventhatmanyofthestorieswereaboutslavery,maybethisgenerationfeltaspecialcompulsiontokeepthishistoryalivethroughitsretelling.Regardless,forthemostpartthegrandparentswerethestorytellers,andtheirstorieswerefilledwithtalesofslavery,mistreatment,andracialhorrors. Thestoriesaboutslaveryweretoldbysomewhohadbeenbornenslavedandbymanyotherswhowerepassingonthestoriestheyhadlearnedfromthepreviousgeneration.Mostofthesestoriesrelatedtheharshnessandbru-talityofenslavement.Forexample,somechildrenheardthatunderslavery

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theirancestorswereprohibitedbywhitemastersfrompraying.56GeorgiaBays’sgrandmotherexplainedthatsheputabucketoverherheadtodisguiseherpraying.57Manyofthetalesrecountedextremeviolence.EuraBowie,whowasbornin1911,remembershermotherrelatingmanygruesomesto-riesaboutenslavement,includingenslavedpeoplebeingforcedtoeatfromatroughandablackmanbeing“burntup.”58Similarly,MinnieWeston,bornjustafewyearsearlierthanBowie,recallsherfathertellingstoriesofslaveryhehadheardfromthepreviousgeneration.59Oneofthesestoriesincludedenslavedpeoplebeingmadetostandontopofbricksthathadjustbeenpulledfromafire.Herfatherheardthathismotherhadbeenforcedtostandonthesehotbricks,and,accordingtoWeston,“thatmadehimhate”whitepeople.60

Butthesestoriesofviolenceandmistreatmentwerenotlimitedtoslav-ery.HermanLeach’sgrandparentstoldhimaboutblacksbeinghungfromabridge,whilebothHettieLoveandMinnieWestonheardfromgrandparentsaboutrelativeswhohadbeenlynched.61Forothers,themorecontemporarytaleswerealsomorepersonal.JohnJohnson,whogrewupinthe1940sand1950s,remembershismothertellinghimabouthowthepolicetreatedhisfather.Ifhisfatherhadbeenconsumingalcohol,theyfollowedhimuntilhehadwalkedalmosthome,andthentheyarrestedhim.62Meanwhile,CoraFleming’smothertoldherthatCora’sgrandmotherhadbeenrapedbyawhiteman.Asayounggirl,Cora,decidedthatanoldwhitemanintownwastheonewhohadrapedhergrandmother.Shethrewbricksathim,atwhichpointhermotherexplainedthathewasnottheone.63

Whatwasthelargerpurposebehindthesestories?Perhapsonsomelevel,thesegruesomedetails—especiallyofstoriesfromtherecentpast—weretoldascautionarytalestoscarechildrenintobeingcarefularoundwhites.Therearecertainlynumerousexamplesofparentsusingfeartoprotecttheirchildren.Onecanalsounderstandthesestories,comingprimarilyfromgrandparents,asameansofpassingonapersonalandcommunallegacy.Atthesametime,whatdistinguishesthesestorytellingprojectsfromgeneralgenealogicalmotivationswasthatthestorytellerswerepresentinganalternativehistory.Inthishistory,unlikethatofmainstreamsociety,blacksenduredextremeviolenceandthelawsandcustomsweresourcesofracialinjustice.Storiesofracialhorrors,whetheraboutslaveryorarecentnearbylynching,underscoredtheinjusticeandtragedythatdefinedthestatusquoforblacks. Regardlessofhowchildreninterpretedthesestories,theywereexposedtoaworldviewthatrejectedJimCrowideologies.Ifthesignsandcustomsofthemainstreamsuggestedthatblackswereinferior,thatwhitepeopleloved

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blackpeopleaschildren,thestoriesofslaveryandviolencedescribedamuchdifferentworld.Thiswasaworldinwhichblackpeopleweretreatedunjustly,inwhichtheirbodieswereabusedforthepleasureorprofitsofwhitepeople.Throughstoriesofviolenceandtragedy,blackchildrenwereindoctrinatedintoacommunitywhosehistorywasinpartoneofpainandstruggle. IndescribingthevariouswaysinwhichblackchildrenlearnedandunlearnedJimCrow,Ihavereferencedexamplesfromvariousindividuals.Whilethisapproachdrawsoutkeythemesandissues,itdoesnotillustrateamajorcharacteristicofraciallessons:varyingone’sresponsebasedonparticularcontexts.IreturnonceagaintoAlmaWard,whoseexperiencescollectivelyillustratethenuancesofraciallessonsandalsodemonstratethatraciallineswerecontestedandnegotiatedonadailybasis. Wardwasbornin1937andraisedinIttaBena,abouttwentymilesfromwhereEmmettTillwasmurderedin1955followinganallegedviolationofracialcustomatacountrystore.Wardrecallsherowncountrystoremomentasayounggirl.InastoreownedbyarelativeofTill’smurderers,sheaskedforabagofpopcornbutforgottoaddressthewhitemanas“sir”or“mister.”ThemancommandedWardtorepeatherrequest,andthistimesheadded“sir.”Sheleftthestoreand“criedallthewaybackhome.”Afterexplainingtohermotherandgrandmotherwhathadhappened,Ward’smotherwantedtogobackandconfrontthewhiteman.Thegrandmother,however,saidno,reasoningthatAlmahadnotbeenphysicallyinjured.Inthiscase,thegrandmotherwasthinkingofsurvival.However,onotheroccasions,itisclearthatthegrandmothernotonlyunderstoodwhenshecouldsafelycrossraciallinesbutalsothatthereweretimeswhensheshouldfightback.64

TheincidentbeganwhenWard’sgrandmotherwenttoGreenvilleandallowedafriendtostayinthehouseshewasrentinginIttaBena.Noonepaidthewaterbill,andthecityshutoffawaterlinethatprovidedwatertoseveralhouses,includingWard’s.Someoneturnedthewaterbackon.Soonafter,awhitecityworkerconfrontedWard’sgrandmother,askingwhysheturnedthewateron.Aftertellingthemanthatshehadnotturnedonthewater,he,accordingtoWard,replied,“Don’tgetsmartwith[me]nigger,becauseyouknowyou’retalkingtoawhiteman.”Ward’sgrandmotheranswered,“Idon’tcarewhoI’mtalkingto,”andafewmomentslaterasAlmawatchedfromtheyard,shesawthewhitemanrunningaway,withhergrandmotherbehindhim—wieldinganaxe.Alma’sgrandmothernotonlydisregardedtherulesofracialdeferencebutshedidsoindramaticfashionbythreateningviolence.Shewaslatersupportedbyaninfluentialwhitemaninthecommunity,andtheutilityworkerwasfired.65

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Onanotheroccasion,Almawitnessedhergrandmothermockingtheracialcustomsofsocialaddress.AsAlmaandhergrandmotherpassedamechanicsshop,afamiliarwhitemechanicyelledout,“Howdy,Grandma.”ThemechanicwastakingpartinoneofthemundanewaysinwhichwhitepeopledehumanizedAfricanAmericansbyaddressingthemwithnick-names—suchas“uncle,”“auntie,”or“grandma”—insteadofwithatitleorname.AsAlmarecalls,hergrandmotherresponded,“Howdy,Grandpa,”explainingthatifshewerehisgrandmotherthenhecouldbehergrandpa.Onceagain,Alma’sgrandmotherdirectlychallengedawhitemanandintheprocesscalledintoquestionaJimCrowcustom.Although,accordingtoWard,thewhitemanbecameangry,hedidnothing.66

Alma’sgrandmotherexemplifiesthecomplexitiesoflearningJimCrow.Throughexample,shetaughtAlmathatinsomesituationswhitescouldbesafelychallengedandonotheroccasions,suchasinthecountrystore,itwasmoreappropriatetofollowtherulesandavoidconflict.EventhoughwedonotknowfromAlma’srecollectionshowhergrandmotherknewthedifference,ortowhatextentayoungAlmawouldunderstandthedifference,thelargerlessonimpartedapotentiallyempoweringethic.Almalearnedtofollowtherulesnotbecausetheywerefairorjustbutbecauseshewantedtosurvive.Ifsurvivalorphysicalwell-beingwerenotatstake,shecouldignoretherules.Aswell,Alma’sexperiencesdemonstratethewaysinwhichvariouscomponentsofaracialeducationfunctionedtogether.Shelearnedtofollowcertainrulesforprotection,totreattheseactionsasperformances(suchasusing“sir”toavoidviolence),andthentoassertheragencyandherself-worthbystandingupforherselfwhenitwassafe.67

Conclusion: The Black Family and the Black Freedom Struggle

ThevoicesofblackMississippiansincludedinthepreviouspagesdescribetheblackfamilyasacrucialinstitutionwithinthecommunity.Intheirdescrip-tions,thelinesbetweenfamilyandcommunityareblurredasvariousindi-vidualstookontheresponsibilitiesofnurturingandprotectingchildren.Fromparents,grandparents,neighbors,andotheradults,AfricanAmericanchildrenlearnednotonlyhowtoavoidphysicalharmbutalsohowtoavoidpsychologicalharm.Theblackfamilywasnotonlyarefuge,notonlyaplaceofretreatfromthebricksandinsultshurledfrombuswindows,butitwasalsopotentiallyaplacewherechildrenlearnedsubversion.Incontrasttothepublicspaceswhereacultureofsegregationbombardedchildrenwiththemarkersofblackinferiority,withintheinsulatedrealmofthefamily,children

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heardmessagesthatrejectedideasofracialinferiority.Inaddition,theles-sonsinperformingparticularrolescarrieditsownsignificantsubtext—thatsomelawsandcustomswereunjust. Buttowhatextentcanweconnecttheselessonstothelargerblackfreedomstruggle?WithinthecontextofJimCrowMississippi,despitethefrequentreferencestolessonsfromfamilymembersandrecollectionsofparticularchildhoodmoments,wearenonethelessleftwithonlysnip-petsofmemoriesofchildhood.Beyondrecountingtheinstructionsandexperiences,itisperhapsimpossibletomakeadirect,detailedconnectionbetweentheseraciallessonsandactsofresistancelaterinlife.Still,thedifficultiesinuncoveringahistoricalrecordofeverydaylifeforchildrenshouldnotpreventusfromaskingquestionsabouttheformativeyearsforlearningaboutraceintheJimCrowSouth.Inaddition,asPatriciaHillCollinscontends(2000,189–92),whenwomenwithinthecommunitybecamenurturersforallblackchildren,theyconnectedthesechildrentotheconcernsofthelargercommunity.Inthatregard,thenurturingnet-workscreatedbythesewomen(and,Iwouldargue,byblackmenaswell)fosteredpoliticalactivism. IbeganthisessaywithcivilrightsleaderGilbertMasondescribingbeingpushedoverbyawhitemanasthecriticalmomentinwhichhebecameanactivist.AlthoughMasonmentionsearlierexperienceswithhumiliations,hedoesnotgointodetailastohowhelearnedracialdifferenceorhowhecametorealizethatblackinferioritywasamyth.Mason’sexperiencerep-resentsanappropriatemetaphorforwhatweknowabouttheCivilRightsMovement.Numerousstudiesdetailmajoreventsofthemovement—fromstudentsinGreensboro,NorthCarolina,refusingtobudgefromtheirlunchcounterseatstothousandsofpassengersinMontgomery,Alabama,decid-ingtoboycottthebusesfollowingRosaParks’sarrest.Weknowmuchlessabouthowthousandsofactivistsreachedapointatwhichtheywerewill-ingtotakeactionthatriskedtheirlives.Whatledthemtothosedecisions?EspeciallygiventhattheCivilRightsMovementisgenerallyunderstoodasamassmovementandasagrassrootsstruggle,thisisnotanidlequestion.Accordingly,oralhistories,despitetheirlimitationsrelatedtomemoryandcontext,areaninvaluablesource.Andwhileitisdifficulttoreachdefinitiveconclusionsabouttheblackfreedomstruggle,itisnonethelessclearthattheblackfamilyplayedapivotalroleformanyblackchildreninestablishingafoundationforchallengingthedominantideologies,laws,andcustoms.Theblackfamilynotonlynurturedandprotected,butitalsopromotedsubversion.

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Endnotes

The author is greatly indebted to those who provided feedback on this article, with special thanks to Yeidy M. Rivero, Valerie Grim, and the anonymous reviewers.

1. For more on memories as a source, see Hall (1998); Nora (1989); and J. W. Scott (1991). On the particular functioning of memory in the South, see Brundage (2000, 2005). 2. For historiographical discussions of the Civil Rights Movement, see Joseph (2000); Lawson (1991); and Payne (1995). 3. For example, see de Jong (2002); Gilmore (2008); Hall (2005); Joseph (2006); Kelley (1996); Tyson (1999); and Woodruff (2003). 4. My discussion of domination and resistance draws on the conceptualizations of James C. Scott (1990); as he notes, the lines between the oppressor and the oppressed are continually being negotiated by each side within the realm of everyday life. 5. “Lynchings by Year, by Race,” Archives at Tuskegee Institute, cited at the University of Missouri-Kansas City Law School Web site, http://www.law.umkc.edu/faculty/projects/ftrials/shipp/lynchingyear.html (accessed July 10, 2008). 6. In many places in the South, passing segregation legislation was practically a formal-ity. In Mississippi, Neil McMillen observes that “the color line was drawn in the attitudes and habits of its people, black and white, well before it was sanctioned by law” and “white sentiment crystallized” even before the end of Reconstruction (1989, 3–4). For more on the importance of the everyday realm in marking racial boundaries in the post–Civil War South, see Harris (1995). 7. For more on segregation, race relations, and racial violence during this period, see Ayers (1992); Gilmore (1996); Kousser (1974); Litwack (1998); and Wright (1986). 8. Minnie Weston, interview by Paul Ortiz, August 8, 1995, Moorhead, MS, tape recording, “Behind the Veil: Documenting African-American Life in the Jim Crow South,” John Hope Franklin Historical Collections, Duke University, Durham, NC (hereafter cited as BTV). 9. Although Ritterhouse notes that black and white children playing together led to tensions across racial lines (2006, 143–79), it is not clear from her discussion—nor is it borne out in the interviews—that these racial dynamics were critical in the years before schooling. 10. For more on schooling for African Americans in the South, see Anderson (1988). 11. James Robinson, interview by Mausiki Scales, August 10, 1995, Itta Bena, MS, tape recording, BTV. 12. John (Henry) Johnson, interview by Mausiki Scales, August 2, 1995, Greenwood, MS, tape recording, BTV. 13. Walter Sculark, interview by Paul Ortiz, August 2, 1995, Cleveland, MS, tape record-ing, BTV. 14. Herman Leach, interview by Doris Dixon, August 8, 1995, Yazoo City, MS, tape record-ing, BTV; H. Scott, interview by Mausiki Scales, August 8, 1995, Yazoo City, MS, tape recording, BTV. 15. Alice Giles, interview by Paul Ortiz, August 8, 1995, Indianola, MS, tape recording, BTV. 16. David Mathews, interview by Paul Ortiz, August 5, 1995, Indianola, MS, tape record-ing, BTV.

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17. Much of the earlier research on racial socialization, originating with the work of Jean Piaget in the 1920s and 1930s, assumed that young children (prior to elementary school age) were not capable of understanding racial differences in a meaningful or coherent way. For a fuller discussion of socialization issues within the African American community, see Caughy et al. (2006); Thornton (1997); and Thornton et al. (1990). 18. Horace Buckley, interview by Michael Garvey, May 11, 1977, Hattiesburg, MS, tran-script, “Civil Rights Movement in Mississippi,” William D. McCain Library and Archives, University of Southern Mississippi, Hattiesburg (hereafter cited as CRMM). 19. H. Williams, interview by Mausiki Scales, August 8, 1995, Yazoo City, MS, tape record-ing, BTV. 20. Alma Ward, interview by Doris Dixon, July 31, 1995, Itta Bena, MS, tape recording, BTV. 21. Johnny Jones, interview by Mausiki Scales, August 2, 1995, Itta Bena, MS, tape recording, BTV. 22. William James Raspberry, interview by Chester Morgan, December 6, 1983, Hat-tiesburg, MS, transcript, CRMM. 23. Amzie Moore, interview by Michael Garvey, March 29 and April 13, 1977, Cleveland, MS, transcript, CRMM. 24. Bennie Gooden, interview by Homer Hill, March 15, 1994, Clarksdale, MS, transcript, CRMM. 25. Hettie Love, interview by Doris Dixon, August 2, 1995, Itta Bena, MS, tape recording, BTV. 26. Ollye Brown Shirley, interview by Donald Williams, June 18, 1999, Jackson, MS, transcript, “Civil Rights Documentation Project,” L. Zenobia Coleman Library, Tougaloo College, Tougaloo, MS (hereafter cited as CRDP), http://www.usm.edu/crdp/html/tran-scripts/manuscript-shirley_ollye-brown.shtml (accessed February 20, 2005). 27. Ruby Williams, interview by Paul Ortiz, July 31, 1995, Clarksdale, MS, tape recording, BTV; James Nix, interview by Sarah Rowe, March 7, 1993, Hattiesburg, MS, transcript, CRMM, http://www.lib.usm.edu/~spcol/crda/oh/nix.htm (accessed February 20, 2002). 28. Lee Willie Miller, interview by Donald Williams, July 29, 1999, Vicksburg, MS, tran-script, CRDP, http://www.usm.edu/crdp/html/transcripts/manuscript-miller_lee-willie.shtml (accessed February 22, 2002). 29. Samuel Bailey, interview by Alferdteen Harrison, July 6, 1982, Jackson, MS, tran-script, “The Farish Street Historic District Oral History Project,” Margaret Walker Alexander Research Center, Jackson State University, Jackson, MS. 30. Charles Scott, interview by Paul Ortiz, August 4, 1995, Itta Bena, MS, tape recording, BTV. 31. Jennifer Ritterhouse also demonstrates that in the Jim Crow South black children learned the racial rules as a means of physical survival (2006, 17). 32. Maurice Lucas, interview by Mausiki Scales, August 7, 1995, Renova, MS, tape recording, BTV; Jessie Stewart, interview by Doris Dixon, July 28, 1995, Greenwood, MS, tape recording, BTV; Chris Young Sr., interview by Doris Dixon, August 8, 1995, Yazoo City, MS, tape recording, BTV. 33. Obie Clark, interview by Donald Williams, March 13, 1999, Meridian, MS, transcript, CRDP, http://www.usm.edu/crdp/html/transcripts/clark_obie.shtml (accessed February 21, 2002).

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34. Alma Ward interview. 35. John (Henry) Johnson interview. 36. Charles Scott interview. 37. Alice Giles interview. 38. Richard Rose, interview by Paul Ortiz, August 3, 1995, Itta Bena, MS, tape recording, BTV. 39. Madison S. Jones Jr. to Walter White, November 7, 1942, Mississippi Lynching Col-lection, Margaret Walker Alexander Research Center, Jackson State University, Jackson, MS. 40. For a comprehensive study of Till’s murder, see Whitfield (1988). 41. James Nix interview. 42. Elizabeth Pitts, interview by Mausiki Scales, July 24, 1995, Greenwood, MS, tape recording, BTV. 43. William James Raspberry interview. 44. As Jennifer Ritterhouse notes through the evidence of black autobiographers, experi-ences with racism played a direct role in African Americans beginning to acquire a sense of who they were as a “black” person (2006, 112–17). 45. For more on the concept of dissemblance, see Hine (1989). For a discussion of how these dual lessons were taught to children during enslavement, see King (1997). 46. Obie Clark interview. 47. Jasper Neely, interview by Worth Long, February 19, 2000, Grenada, MS, tran-script, CRDP, http://www.usm.edu/crdp/html/transcripts/manuscript-neely_jasper .shtml (accessed February 22, 2002). 48. James Robinson interview. 49. Johnny Barbour Jr. and Clara M. Barbour, interview by Donald Williams, January 25, 1999, Jackson, MS, transcript, CRDP; Daisy Livingston, interview by Doris Dixon, August 3, 1995, Greenwood, MS, tape recording, BTV; James Nix interview. 50. Alma Ward interview. 51. Daisy Livingston interview. 52. James Cohen, interview by Mike Garvey, February 2, 1976, Hattiesburg, MS, tran-script, CRMM, http://www.lib.usm.edu/~spcol/crda/oh/cohen.htm (accessed February 19, 2002). 53. Sarah Automon, interview by Mausiki Scales, August 4, 1995, Greenwood, MS, tape recording, BTV. 54. David Wicks, interview by Mausiki Scales, July 25, 1995, Itta Bena, MS, tape record-ing, BTV. 55. Peter Stewart, interview by Charles Bolton, August 20, 1997, Jackson, MS, transcript, CRMM, http://www.lib.usm.edu/~spcol/crda/oh/stewart.htm (accessed February 21, 2002). 56. See, for example, H. Williams interview; Ruby Williams interview. 57. Georgia Bays, interview by Doris Dixon, August 1, 1995, Lyons, MS, tape recording, BTV. 58. Eura Bowie, interview by Paul Ortiz, August 9, 1995, Moorhead, MS, tape recording, BTV. 59. Minnie Weston interview. 60. Minnie Weston interview.

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61. Herman Leach interview; Hettie Love interview; Minnie Weston interview. 62. John (Henry) Johnson interview. 63. Cora Fleming, interview by Paul Ortiz, August 7, 1995, Indianola, MS, tape recording, BTV. 64. Alma Ward interview. 65. Alma Ward interview. 66. Alma Ward interview. 67. Alma Ward interview.

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